orgerur Katrn hneykslast hagsmunagslu

orgerur Katrn sttist eftir a vera framkvmdastjri SFS. ar hefi hn auvita stutt kvtakerfi og veri andvg aild a ESB. Daginn sem hn fkk a vita, a annar yri rinn, gekk hn til lis vi stjrnmlaflokk, sem berst gegn kvtakerfinu og vill aild a ESB. Hn var ennan dag eins fljt a snast og 30. september 2008, egar hn um morguninn mtmlti eindregi rkisstjrnarfundi boskap Davs Oddssonar selabankastjra um, a bankarnir vru a hrynja, en seinna um daginn seldi a, sem hn tti eftir af hlutabrfum bnkum fyrir 70 milljnir kr. (eins og kom nnast fyrir tilviljun fram hstarttardmi nr. 593/2013).


Vndi og klm stjrnmlaheimspeki

mean g kenndi stjrnmlaheimspeki Hskla slands, reyndi g eftir megni a hugsa upp rk me og mti lkum sjnarmium, reyna anol hugmynda, rekja r t hrgul. Heimspekin a vera frj samra, ekki einra. Eitt sgilt umruefni var, hversu langt rki mtti ganga a lgbja a, sem er hverjum tma tali gott siferi. tti lstur a teljast glpur? Eins og g hafi kynnst, egar g nam stjrnmlaheimspeki Reykjavk og Oxford, var nrtkt a ra rk me og mti v a banna me lgum vndi og klm. a var a vsu erfiara me runum a ra au ml, v a fgafemnistar rum nemenda uru sfellt aspsmeiri og vildu ekki hlusta nein rk me v a leyfa etta hvort tveggja. etta vri niurlging og kgun kvenna, og me v vri mli trtt. egar g hreyfi v til dmis, a hugsanlega mtti leyfa vndi af mannarstum, v a til vru hpar, sem gtu ekki vegna lkamslta ea offitu tvega sr rekkjunauta nema me v a greia fyrir a, var g sakaur um „fitusmnun“ og fordma gegn ftluum.

Kgunarrk bannkvenna ttu eflaust stundum vi ur fyrr, en au hafa veikst, v a me netinu hafa milligngumenn og hugsanlegir kgarar a miklu leyti horfi, ekki sst egar um klm er a ra: N selja stlkur beint agang horfenda sinna a lostugu athfi, eins og fram hefur komi hr blainu. g hafi hins vegar ekki myndunarafl til a sma dmi eins og a, sem g rakst nlega um niurlgingarrkin. Nokkrar konur Toronto Kanada rku stofnun, sem yfirvld tldu vndishs. r mtmltu harlega og skutu mlinu til dmstla. r buu fyrirtki snu upp kynlfsleiki, ar sem ekki var um neina beina lkamlega snertingu a ra, heldur voru r hlutverki kvalara ea drottnara, iulega leurklddar, netsokkabuxum og me svipu hendi, og greiddu karlarnir, viskiptavinir eirra, fyrir a lta niurlgja sig msan htt. Konurnar unnu mli fyrir Hstartti Kanada ri 2013, og komust dmararnir a eirri almennu niurstu, a bann vi vndi svipti konur, sem seldu blu sna, lagavernd og neyddi r niur neanjararhagkerfi. egar g las um etta dmsml, velti g v fyrir mr, hvernig kalla mtti a niurlgingu kvenna, a r fengju srstaklega greitt fyrir a niurlgja karla. En eflaust myndu fgafemnistar reyna a banna umrur um spurningu sta ess a svara henni.

[Frleiksmoli Morgunblainu 24. aprl 2021.)


rinn Eggertsson

Thrainn.06.10.12.21Einn virtasti frimaur slendinga aljavettvangi, dr. rinn Eggertsson prfessor, er ttrur essu ri. Tvr bkur hans ensku um stofnanahagfri eru lesnar og rddar hsklum um allan heim. Ekki er sur um a vert, a rinn hefur nokkrum snjllum ritgerum varpa ljsi hagfrinnar sgu slands. Ein eirra er um tluna og birtist International Review of Law and Economics ri 1992. ar minnir rinn samntingarbli (tragedy of the commons). Ef margir nta saman einhverja aulind, er htt vi v, a hn veri ofntt, v a vinningur af vibtarntingu rennur skiptur til ntandans, en kostnaurinn dreifist alla. Eitt dmi um etta er beitarland slenskum afrttum a fornu. Hver sveit ntti saman slkt beitarland, en gtu einstakir bndur freistast til a reka of margt f fr sr fjall. Hrepparnir slensku mynduust ekki sst til a hafa stjrn beitinni. Hver jr fkk tlu, eins konar kvta, tlu ess fjr, sem reka mtti fr henni fjall, og var heildartalan hverri afrtt miu vi, a eftir sumari sneri f aftur eins gum holdum og kostur vri frekast . Hlistan vi nverandi kvtakerfi sjvartvegi leynir sr ekki, enda er vandinn sama elis.

nnur ritger rins birtist Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization ri 1996. Hn er um rgtu, hvers vegna slendingar sultu ldum saman heilu og hlfu hungri, tt hr vri gntt fiskjar. rinn telur skringuna vera, a konungur og fmenn strbndasttt hafi sameiningu rengt a sjvartvegi, sem var a ru breyttu arbrasti atvinnuvegurinn. Konungur ttaist, a ella gengi landi undan honum, eins og l vi a gerist „ensku ldinni“ svoklluu, fimmtndu ld. Hann kaus frekar litlar skatttekjur en engar. Strbndurnir vildu hins vegar ekki missa vinnuafli a sjvarsunni. tlendingum var v bnnu veturseta, og landsmenn uru a vera vistair einhverju hinna fimm sund bla landsins og gtu aeins stunda fiskveiar hjverkum. Me konunglegum tilskipunum var ver fiski frt langt niur fr markasveri, en ver landbnaarafurum a sama skapi frt upp. Afleiingin var, a sland festist ftktargildru, sem a losnai ekki r, fyrr en yfirvld Kaupmannahfn hfu skili kenningu hagfrinnar um kosti aljlegrar verkaskiptingar og viskipta. rinn Eggertsson er einn fremsti fulltri eirrar rannsknarhefar slandi.
(Frleiksmoli Morgunblainu 17. aprl 2021.)

Leirttingarnar sem voxeu neitai a birta

Foreword

Iceland is a tiny, remote island of which others know little. The Danish kings who ruled the country from 1380 to 1918 tried at least five times to sell her to others, thrice to the King of England, once to the merchants of Hamburg and once to Prussia. Unsurprisingly, then, Iceland has been an ideal target of fantasists, fabulists and mythmakers, the most notorious one being Dithmar Blefken, an itinerant preacher in Germany whose 1607 book on Iceland prompted a distinguished scholar, Arngrim Jonsson the Learned, to write a spirited defence of his motherland. The accounts by Blefken and other vilifiers of Iceland were however believed by some. Jean-Jacques Rousseau wrote for example (in Note P to the Second Part of his Discourse on Inequality) that some of the noble savages from Iceland brought to Denmark to be educated withered away and died, whereas others drowned when they tried to swim back to their country. Friedrich Engels, in a letter to Karl Marx from December 1846, spoke with disdain about the ‘greasy’ Icelanders who drank fish-oil, lived in earthen huts and broke down if the atmosphere did not reek of rotten fish. Now we have got a modern counterpart to old Blefken, and an Icelander to boot: Thorvaldur Gylfason, Professor of Economics at the University of Iceland, whose fifteen minutes of fame consisted in being elected in 2010 to a Constitutional Assembly which the left-wing government of 2009–2013 set up. Because of irregularities in the conduct of the elections to the Assembly, the Icelandic Supreme Court invalidated the elections. Nevertheless, Gylfason was appointed by the leftwingers in government to what was then called the ‘Constitutional Council’. This unelected group wrote a draft of a new constitution for Iceland that was seen as being so flawed that even the left-wing government refrained from accepting it. (In a 2012 referendum on the draft, only 49 per cent of the voters bothered to turn up, with two thirds of them accepting the draft as a proper guideline for a new constitution, which means that it was backed by only one third of those with a right to vote) In anger, Gylfason founded a political party whose sole purpose was to get the draft from the Constitutional Council accepted. This party received less than 2.5 per cent of the votes cast in the 2013 parliamentary elections and seems after that to have vanished into thin air. Gylfason has however written widely abroad about the ever-increasing corruption in Iceland of which, he claims, the rejection of the draft from the Constitutional Council is the clearest example. In a recent article in the online journal voxeu, Gylfason made some extraordinary claims, some being plainly wrong and slanderous, others being the half-truths that Tennyson called the blackest of lies. I sent some corrections to the Editor of voxeu, Professor Richard Baldwin, but he refused to publish them. Below are the corrections which I sent under the title ‘Iceland is Not a Failed State’. In a separate piece I shall publish the extraordinary correspondence with the voxeu Editor.

The comments on Iceland in a recent article in Voxeu by Professor Thorvaldur Gylfason (2021) have surprised many Icelanders. These comments certainly stand in need of some corrections and clarifications. I shall try to be as brief as possible and confine myself to matters of fact.

Gylfason says: ‘Iceland is a country that some observers have begun to view as a failed state.’ On the contrary, Iceland does well on almost any criteria for success. She is and has long been, with Luxembourg, Norway, and Switzerland, one of the most prosperous countries in Europe, in terms of GDP per capita. The infant mortality rate is, according to the UN, the lowest in the world (United Nations, 2019). The crime rate (the number of reported crimes divided by the total population) is lower than in the other Nordic countries and one of the lowest in the world (World Population Review, 2021). The rapid recovery of Iceland after the 2008 bank collapse has been widely noted. Moreover, Iceland is a well-functioning democracy. Civil rights are relatively well protected there. In short, Iceland is a typical Nordic country, prosperous and peaceful, and far from being a failed state in the sense of Acemoglu and Robinson (2012).

The Quota System in the Fisheries

Nonetheless, Gylfason writes: ‘Iceland has a serious problem with its Russia-style oligarchs. These are usually owners of fishing vessels, whom the political class has enriched by awarding them free (or virtually free) access to Icelands valuable fish resources. In exchange for cash, the politicians have created a fish-based ruling class that behaves like a state within the state, dictating policy platforms to political parties, court verdicts, newspaper editorials, some academic appointments, and more.’

This is highly misleading. Income distribution is more equal in Iceland than in almost any other European country. According to Eurostat (2021), the risk-at-poverty rate (the proportion of people with income below 60 per cent of median income) is lower in Iceland than in any other European country, and therefore probably in the whole world. The latest available figure for Iceland is 8.8 per cent, whereas for Finland it is 12.0, for Denmark 12.7, for Norway 12.9, and for Sweden 16.4. Another set of numbers might be relevant in a discussion about oligarchy. According to the World Bank (2021), the latest figure for the proportion of income enjoyed by the top 10 per cent of the population was 22.5 per cent in Iceland. Corresponding figures for the other Nordic countries were for Denmark 24.0, Finland 22.6, Norway 21.6, and Sweden 22.3. In other words, the economic position of the most affluent group in Iceland was no stronger than in the other Nordic countries.

Gylfason’s assertion, that ‘in exchange for cash, the politicians have created a fish-based ruling class’, is almost beyond belief. It involves, apparently, a serious allegation against Icelandic politicians: that they were bribed to give quotas to owners of fishing vessels. The truth of the matter is quite different.

Catch quotas, or shares in the total allowable catch in each fish stock, were first introduced in the two pelagic fisheries in response to their possible collapse: in the herring fishery in 1975 and in the capelin fishery in 1980. Since most of the vessels in these fisheries were of similar size, initial allocation was non-controversial. The boats simply received equal quotas. Soon it was found that flexibility required the possibility for transfers of quotas between vessels. This was seen to be successful and this nascent system of transferable catch quotas eventually became the model for the economically much more important demersal fisheries which were also threatened by collapse. In 1984 catch quotas were introduced in the demersal fisheries, for cod, catfish, haddock, halibut and other groundfish. Initial allocation was made on the basis of catch history over the three years preceding the introduction of the system (the ‘grandfathering’ principle). In 1990, a law was passed by which the quota system was made comprehensive, and the quotas were made almost fully transferable; they were allocated without any time limits. Since then, almost all the quotas initially allocated have been transferred between fishing firms. The more efficient owners of fishing capital have bought out the less efficient ones and total fishing effort has gone down to what approaches the optimum. Today, the Icelandic fisheries are both profitable and sustainable, unlike fisheries in most other countries (Gissurarson, 2015).

In other words, the quotas are not, and have never been, allocated on political grounds, in a discretionary way. Initially, some 45 years ago in the herring fishery and some 37 years ago in the demersal fisheries, they were allocated on the basis of catch history (according to the ‘grandfathering’ principle), and since then they have been allocated spontaneously in the market for quotas, by transfers between fishing firms. The assertion that ‘in exchange for cash, the politicians have created a fish-based ruling class’ is completely baseless. It is a different issue altogether that the economic success of the system has ignited disagreement on the legal status of the now very valuable catch quotas (whereas under open access to fishing grounds the right of all to harvest fish at sea becomes virtually worthless as a result of excessive fishing effort, as H. S. Gordon (1955) demonstrated).

The Revision of the Icelandic Constitution

Gylfason goes on to say that ‘this alliance of politicians and oligarchs has persisted in unapologetically disregarding the result of a 2012 national referendum, where 67% of the voters declared their support for a new post-crash constitution drawn up by a constitutional assembly elected by the nation in 2010’.

This is also highly misleading. When Iceland in 1944 repealed the Act of the Union with Denmark, in force since 1918, a referendum was held on the new Constitution for the Republic which was in most important aspects based on the Constitution given to Iceland by the Danish government in 1874. The results were impressive. Of those eligible to vote, 98.4 per cent used their right. Of those who voted, 95.0 per cent voted for the new Constitution (Statistics Iceland, 1988). After the 2008 bank collapse some felt that a new constitution was needed, although others failed to see the logic behind this. Be that as it may, the left-wing government taking power in 2009 held elections to a 25-strong constitutional assembly in 2010. The turnout was very low, only 36.7 per cent. Subsequently, some irregularities in the conduct of the elections led the Icelandic Supreme Court to invalidate the elections. Then the government simply appointed the 25 delegates who had received the most votes in the now-invalidated ‘elections’ to a ‘Constitutional Council’. This Council delivered its proposals for constitutional changes in 2012. In a referendum on the suggestions, the turnout was again quite low, 48.9 per cent. Of those who voted, 66.1 per cent wanted the proposals of the Constitution Council to form the basis of a new draft Constitution, and 33.1 voted against it (Statistics Iceland 2021).

In other words, there was no constitutional assembly legally elected by the nation in 2010, and only one-third of Icelanders with the right to vote declared their support for the proposals of the Council appointed by government of which, incidentally, Gylfason was a vocal member. Compare this to the 98.4 per cent turnout in the 1944 referendum and the 95.0 per cent support then for the Constitution. Consequently, the left-wing government (which can hardly be said to be an ‘alliance of politicians and oligarchs’) decided not to act on the Council’s proposals. In protest, Gylfason founded a party which ran in the 2013 parliamentary elections on a single issue, the demand for constitutional changes in accordance with the proposals of the Constitutional Council. The party received 2.5 per cent of the votes cast and no parliamentary seat.

In passing, Gylfason mentions a case of alleged bribery by an Icelandic fishing firm being investigated in Namibia. It should be emphasised that this case is still unresolved. But even if the courts would eventually conclude that bribes had been given, certainly Iceland as a society should no more be judged by that than for example Sweden by the bribery scandals at arms manufacturers Brofors and Saab. Here I shall not go either into Gylfason’s allegation that a ‘fish-based ruling class’ in Iceland is ‘dictating policy platforms to political parties, court verdicts, newspaper editorials, some academic appointments, and more’ except to say that it would be interesting to see the evidence for this sweeping indictment of Icelandic judges, journalists and academics.

Party Patronage in Iceland

Gylfason writes: ‘Iceland’s civil service and court system are stacked with political appointees who, as members, take their cue from the political class. Large swaths of the business community fit the same pattern.’ It is certainly true that in Iceland, as in other democratic countries, government ministers make many appointments, although usually they can only choose between candidates that selection committees have considered competent. But there is no reason to believe that such appointments are made in a less professional way than in most other European countries. The latest study of the subject seems to be a comparative survey from 2008 of party patronage in 15 European countries, including Iceland, Denmark and Norway. The conclusion was that party patronage was least common in the UK, the Netherlands, Denmark, Iceland, and Norway, with the Index of Party Patronage going up from 0.09 in the UK to 0.26 in Norway. Party patronage was most common in Greece, Austria, Italy, Germany and Hungary, with the Index going down from 0.62 in Greece to 0.43 in Hungary (Kopeck and Mair, 2012, 367). Certainly, this study does not lend much support to Gylfason’s assertions.

References

Acemoglu, D and J Robinson (2012), Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty, New York NY: Crown Business.

Eurostat (2021), Income Poverty Statistics, https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php?title=Income_poverty_statistics

Gissurarson, H (2015), The Icelandic Fisheries: Sustainable and Profitable, Reykjavik: University of Iceland Press.

Gylfason, T (2021), From truth to reconciliation: Lessons from Iceland, VoxEU.org 6 February 2021. https://voxeu.org/article/truth-reconciliation-lessons-iceland

Gordon, H S (1955), “The Economic Theory of a Common-Property Resource: The Fishery,” Journal of Political Economy, 62 (2), 124–142.

Kopeck, P and P Mair (2012), Conclusion: Party Patronage in Contemporary Europe, Party patronage and party government in European democracies, eds. P Kopecky, P Mair and M Spirova, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Statistics Iceland (1988), Kosningaskyrslur, Vol. I, Reykjavik: Statistics Iceland.

Statistics Iceland (2021), data on elections, https://statice.is/

United Nations (2019), World Population Prospects, https://population.un.org/wpp/

World Bank (2021), World Development Indicators, http://wdi.worldbank.org/table/1.3

World Population Review (2021), https://worldpopulationreview.com/country-rankings/crime-rate-by-country

(Grein The Conservative 16. aprl 2021.)


Rangfrslur Finnlandi

Finnskur kennari vi Hsklann Akureyri, Lars Lundsten a nafni, skrifai fyrir skmmu grein Hufvudstadsbladet Helsingfors um, a sland vri spilltasta landi hpi Norurlanda. gsvarai blainu 7. aprl og benti , a heimild hans vri hpin. Hn vri aljleg spillingarmatsvsitala, en eins og fram hefur komi opinberlega, hefur einkunn slands samkvmt henni aeins lkka vegna ess, a tveir slenskir matsmenn, Grtar r Eyrsson (samkennari Lundstens Akureyri) og orvaldur Gylfason, hafa meti sland niur nokkur sustu r n snilegrar stu.

g benti einnig , a venjuleg merki vtkrar stjrnmlaspillingar vri ekki a sj slandi. Hr vri velmegun meiri og almennari en vast hvar annars staar og tekjudreifing jafnari, jafnframt v sem sland teldist frislasta land heimi og me minnstu glpatni.

svari snu sama tlublai geri Lundsten aeins eina efnislega athugasemd. Hn var, a g segi Samherja ranglega hafa veri sknaan sakamli vegna gjaldeyrisskila. Dmstlar hefu ekki fellt efnislegan rskur mlinu. Lagaheimild hefi skort til ess.

Auvita er essi athugasemd Lundstens fjarsta. Menn og fyrirtki vera einmitt ekki sakfelld, nema til ess s lagaheimild. rttarrki ra lgin, ekki mennirnir. Me dmi Hstarttar 8. nvember 2018 var stjrnvaldssekt, sem Selabankinn hafi lagt Samherja, numin r gildi. Embtti srstaks saksknara hafi ur fellt niur megintti mlsins gegn fyrirtkinu og lti svo um mlt brfi til ess, a a hefi lagt sig fram „af kostgfni“ a fylgja settum reglum um gjaldeyrisskil, en um a snerist mli. Embtti skattrannsknarstjra, sem hafi lka skoa mli, hafi ekki tali stu til agera. Mr er ekki ljst, hva Lundsten gengur til me essari rs erlendu blai eitt flugasta tflutningsfyrirtki landsins.

(Frleiksmoli Morgunblainu 10. aprl 2021.)


Uppljstrun um fjrml flokka

Liin eru 409 r, fr v a Arngrmur lri birti rit sitt, Anatome Blefkeniana (Verk Blefkens krufin), ar sem hann andmlti alls konar furusgum um sland, sem ski farandprdikarinn Dithmar Blefken hafi sett saman. Mr snist ekki vanrf a endurtaka leikinn, v a orvaldur Gylfason prfessor hefur fari va um lnd og prdika gegn j sinni, srstaklega tgerarmnnum. orvaldur stofnai sem kunnugt er stjrnmlaflokk um barttuml sn, og fkk hann 2,5% kosningunum 2013 og engan ingmann. skrslu, sem orvaldur tk nlega saman um stjrnarfar slandi fyrir Bertelsmenn stofnunina skalandi, segir hann, a lg um fjrml stjrnmlaflokka hafi veri sett slandi, eftir a Rkisendurskoun hafi ljstra upp um, a tgerarfyrirtki hafi styrkt Sjlfstisflokkinn og Framsknarflokkinn tfalt vi ara flokka rin 2008–2011.

etta er fjarsta. Lg um fjrml stjrnmlaflokka voru sett ri 2006, fyrir a tmabil, sem orvaldur nefnir. g hef hvergi rekist neina uppljstrun um, a rin 2008–2011 hafi tgerarfyrirtki styrkt Sjlfstisflokkinn og Framsknarflokkinn tfalt vi ara flokka. Rkisendurskoun kannast ekki heldur vi mli. essi tala gti a vsu veri nlgt sanni, v a tgerarfyrirtki styrkja vissulega frekar essa flokka en vinstri flokkana. En lgunum fr 2006 um fjrml flokka eru settar strangar almennar skorur um styrki fyrirtkja til flokka, og kemur meginhluti tekna flokkanna fr rki og sveitarflgum.

g skoai mli heimasu Rkisendurskounar. rin 2008–2011 fkk Sjlfstisflokkurinn 804,8 millj. kr. framlg, aallega fr rkinu, en 15,2 millj. kr. af essu f kom fr tgerarfyrirtkjum, innan vi 2% af heildarframlgum. Framsknarflokkurinn fkk 319,2 millj. kr. samtals, ar af 8,2 millj. kr. fr tgerarfyrirtkjum, um 2,5% af heildarframlgum. Samfylkingin fkk 620,6 millj. kr. samtals, ar af 2,3 millj. kr. fr tgerarfyrirtkjum. Vinstri grnir fengu 402,3 millj. kr. samtals, ar af innan vi 500 s. kr. fr tgerarfyrirtkjum.

Af tekjum stjrnmlaflokkanna kom me rum orum aeins brot fr tgerarfyrirtkjum, um 2,5%, ar sem hlutfalli var hst. Samtals nmu framlg tgerarfyrirtkja til Sjlfstisflokks og Framsknarflokks etta tmabil 23,4 millj. kr., en til Samfylkingar og Vinstri grnna sama tmabili 2,7 millj. kr. Samtals voru v framlgin essu dmi rsklega ttfld, ekki tfld. En s tala skiptir vitanlega engu mli, v a tekjur Sjlfstisflokks og Framsknarflokks af framlgum tgerarfyrirtkja voru aeins rlti brot af heildartekjum eirra. a var lgra hlutfall en orvaldur fkk kosningunum 2013, og var a lgt.

(Frleiksmoli Morgunblainu 3. aprl 2021.)


Forseta afhent eintak

g skrapp Bessastai 30. mars og afhenti forseta slands, dr. Guna Th. Jhannessyni, eintak af hinni ntkomnu bk minni, Twenty-Four Conservative-Liberal Thinkers, sem kom t tveimur bindum hj New Direction Brssel. Bkin er lka til netinu.

HHG.President


Vormaur og sluflag

Coat_of_arms_of_IcelandFyrir nokkrum misserum var ger knnun um fallegasta ori slensku, og var „ljsmir“ fyrir valinu. a var elilegt. Hvort tveggja er, a ori sjlft er fallegt og jlt og a mikil birta hvlir yfir merkingarsvii ess: n brn a koma heiminn, mikil blessun fmennri j. Hvernig tti a a etta or? Hver tunga sr einmitt or, sem rugt er a a, vegna ess a merkingarsvi eirra vsa til srstakrar sgu og menningar, hugsunarhttar og astna. Dmi eru enska ori „gentleman“ og danska ori „hygge“.

Hr bendi g tv nnur srstk or slensku. Anna er „vormaur“. a skrskotar til kynslarinnar, sem hf a lta a sr kvea eftir aldamtin 1900 og var rin a koma slandi, ftkasta landi Vestur-Evrpu, fremstu r. etta voru vormenn slands og auvita af bum kynjum. etta voru verkfringar, sem lgu vegi, hlu stflur, smuu brr, reistu hs og bgu fr hreinindum, kulda og myrkri me vatns-, hita- og rafmagnsveitum, lknar, sem skru burt mein og blusettu gegn farsttum, kennarar, sem vktu huga nemenda sinna sgu slands og einstum menningararfi og brndu fyrir eim a vanda ml sitt, kveiktu eim metna fyrir slands hnd, tgerarmenn, sem rku vlbta og togara og fluu drjgra gjaldeyristekna, inrekendur, sem veittu fjlda manns atvinnu og skru fyrirtki sn rammslenskum nfnum. Ori „vormaur“ lsir von banna norurhjara veraldar um meiri birtu.

Hitt ori er „sluflag“. slenskum jsgum er hermt, a Smundur prestur Odda hafi heyrt fornum spm, a honum vri tla sluflag me fjsamanni Hlum. Eitt srkenni slendinga er, a eir eru miklu fastmtari heild en flestar arar jir. Stttamunur er hr minni og kjr jafnari en vast annars staar, eins og njustu aljlegu mlingar stafesta. slendingar tala ekki tal mllskur, og eir geta hglega lesi tungu, sem tlu hefur veri hr fr ndveru. Hver maur v sluflag vi alla ara slendinga, fr fyrstu landnmsmnnunum, Inglfi Arnarsyni og Hallveigu Fradttur, til eirra nfddu barna, sem ljsmurnar taka mti essa stundina. Mikill skai vri a v a rjfa etta sluflag eins og n er reynt a gera nafni fjlmenningar.

(Frleiksmoli Morgunblainu 27. mars 2021.)


Villur Jns lafssonar

g hef hr fari yfir msar brellur, firrur, gloppur og skekkjur verkum Jns lafssonar um slensku kommnistahreyfinguna. msar jna r eim tilgangi a gera lti r ofbeldiseli hreyfingarinnar og tengslum vi alrisherrana Mosku. En sumar villur Jns virast engum tilgangi jna. Strax upphafi bkarinnar Kru flaga (bls. 15) segir Jn til dmis fr fr Hendriks Ottssonar og Brynjlfs Bjarnasonar anna ing Kominterns 1920: „Feralangarnir urftu a fara norur alla Svj og yfir landamri Noregs til Rsslands. aan svo aftur suur bginn, fyrst til Petrograd ar sem ingi var sett og svo austur til Moskvu.“ En samkvmt frsgn Hendriks, sem stulaust er a rengja, fru eir fyrst fr Kaupmannahfn til Stokkhlms til a n ggn og farareyri hj erindreka Kominterns ar borg. San sneru eir aftur til Kaupmannahafnar og fru me skipum vestur og norur Noreg til Mrmansk. Var etta hin mesta svailfr. Uru eir a smygla sr litlum bti norur a landamrum Noregs, v a eir hfu ekki fararleyfi anga, og aan til Rsslands. eir misstu raunar af fyrstu dgum ingsins Ptursgari, v a a hafi veri flutt til Moskvu. Komu eir mjg seint ingi og eru ess vegna ekki skr um ingfulltra, tt eir tkju fullan tt strfum ingsins.

Margar villur eru smu bk frsgn Jns af MR, Menningartengslum slands og Rstjrnarrkjanna, sem Jn kallar stundum ranglega (bls. 181 og 340) Menningarsamband. Jn segir (bls. 185) um tk MR rin 1958–1960: „essi tk enduu me v a Kristinn E. Andrsson missti tk sn MR og var bola t r flaginu.“ essu var verfugt fari. Andstingar Kristins misstu tk sn MR og var bola t r flaginu. Eftir a Sigurvin ssurarson, Adolf Petersen og fleiri menn r Reykjavkurdeild MR hfu hausti 1958 upplst rssneska erindreka um, a eir vissu af fjrhagslegum stuningi Moskvumanna vi MR, var ri flaginu. Beittu forystumenn Ssalistaflokksins sr fyrir v, a Reykjavkurdeild MR vri tekin r hndum essara manna aalfundi hennar 26. febrar 1960. eim tkst tlunarverk sitt. Var rni Bvarsson formaur flagsdeildarinnar sta Sigurvins, og annar bandamaur Kristins, orvaldur rarinsson, tk sti stjrninni. Einn eirra manna, sem felldir voru r stjrn, Adolf Petersen, skrifai um etta bl. Mli er lka raki nokku einni SA-skrslunni, sem Jn lafsson vitnar sjlfur (Raua bkin(1984), bls. 126). Kristinn E. Andrsson og arir forystumenn Ssalistaflokksins ru alla t yfir sjlfum heildarsamtkunum, enda var Kristinn forseti MR eftir Halldri Laxness 1968.

(Frleiksmoli Morgunblainu 20. mars 2021.)


Skekkjur Jns lafssonar

verkum Jns lafssonar um slensku kommnistahreyfinguna er miki um firrur, gloppur og villur. ar er lka talsvert um skekkjur, en r m kalla stulausa nkvmni og markvissa frsgn. Jn fer til dmis iulega rangt me nfn bka og manna. Kru flgum fr 1999 verur friur asigi eftir r Whitehead a veri asigi (bls. 330), rlagantt yfir Eystrasaltslndum eftir Ants Oras breytist Slmyrkva Eystrasaltslndum (bls. 286), Haavard Langseth ummyndast Haavard Langeseth (bls. 38 og 340), Olav Vegheim Olaf Vegheim (bls. 23) og William Gallacher William Callagher (bls. 123, 125 og 334).

Tmatal Jns er einnig losaralegt. Hann segir, a Langseth hafi komi til slands 1928 og 1929 (bls. 38 og 340), en hann kom hvorugt a r til slands, svo a vita s, heldur ri 1930. Hann segir, a ing kommnistaflokks Rstjrnarrkjanna hafi veri h mars 1956 (bls. 175), en a st fr 14. til 24. febrar. Jn segir Sgu 2007 (bls. 107), a brf, sem Einar Olgeirsson sendi Komintern, Aljasambandi kommnista, hafi veri sent snemma gst 1938, en a er dagsett 21. gst. Jn segir Appelsnum fr Abkasu, a Finnland hafi fengi sjlfsti 1918 (bls. 285), en a gerist desember 1917. essi skekkja hefur slst inn bk Kjartans lafssonar, Drauma og veruleika. Jn segir sama sta, a vetrarstri hafi hafist hausti 1939, en a hfst um hvetur, nvemberlok 1939, eins og nafni snir raunar.

Meinlegasta skekkja Jns er, egar hann segir Kru flgum fr brfi, sem sent var fr slandi til Stokkhlms janar 1921, en undir a er skrifa „Sillinn“. Jn dr lyktun (bls. 22), a hr vri fer snski kommnistinn Hugo Silln, og vri athyglisvert, hversu snemma erlendir kommnistar ltu sig vara hina slensku hreyfingu. En brfritarinn var auvita Hendrik S. Ottsson, semgekk undir nafninu „Sillinn“ meal vina sinna. essi skekkja hefur slst inn bk orleifs Fririkssonar, Vi brn ns dags.

Jn reynir a gera lti r slkum leirttingum og kvartar opinberlega undan „smsmygli“ minni og „gevonsku“. En flestar essar villur eru ekki meinlausar prentvillur, heldur stafa r af hiruleysi. Jn nennir bersnilega ekki a standa upp fr tlvu sinni og fletta upp bkum.

(Frleiksmoli Morgunblainu 13. mars 2021.


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